Mr Harper’s greatest fear
There’s only one thing that Stephen Harper fears and it’s not Stephane Dion, Jack Layton, Gilles Duceppe or Elizabeth May. He welcomes their opposition to ‘his’ government. The press doesn’t cause him much concern either. He’s the first federal leader in many a year who doesn’t much care about whether his name or photograph are in the press. This gives him a tremendous edge over all of his opponents and the press itself. He meets with both on his own time and his own terms. As his political opponents and the Ottawa press corps are learning, he makes the wily old MacKenzie-King (conscription if necessary but not necessarily conscription) look like a slow learner.
Mr. Harper’s greatest fear, the greatest threat to his hegemony, is electoral reform.
Otherwise Mr. Harper is close to invulnerable. The Prime Minister is invulnerable because he doesn’t need a majority of Canadian votes to rule as a majority. All he needs is 38 to 40 percent and this shouldn’t be hard to attain. Thirty-eight percent is close to the traditional, core Conservative base i.e. those folks who vote C because Dad did. The six out of ten Canadians opposing Mr. Harper are inconsequential because they are split between the other parties, so the more the merrier. Bring on the Greens, please.
A new election would offer Canadians the choice of a reconfigured but a similarly, divided minority Parliament or a slim Harper majority. The former is no more palatable to opposition leaders than the present one and the latter is infinitely less so. No surprise that another election is being quietly resisted by Messieurs Dion, Layton and Duceppe. The only exception is Elizabeth May and the Greens who have no seats in Parliament therefore nothing to lose – not that this matters to Mr. Harper either.
Electoral reform was part of the Tory platform in the last election. It was part of the Liberal and New Democrat platform. All the major parties agree Canadians should be able to elect parliaments that more fairly reflect their political preferences, yet mysteriously electoral reform as ‘an issue’ has evaporated.
But Mr. Harper has been at work. The venerable Law Reform Commission which spent two years preparing a multi-volume report on federal electoral reform and which received much favorable attention (it recommended a mixed system of proportional representation) has been disbanded by the Prime Minister. It doesn’t exist any longer. Now that’s thinking ahead of the curve. Without any federal champion, electoral reform has sunk back into the familiar bromides of reorganizing the House of Commons Committee structure (again) and the election of Senators by region (again), both of which Mr. Harper vigorously supports. Both distract from the issue and do nothing to correct the seat imbalance in the House between how people vote, and the government they get. If you’re Mr. Harper, this has to be a happy thought.
In the coming election, the opposing parties will try to expose ‘the hidden agenda’ of Mr. Harper, just as they did in the last election. This is a waste of time because Mr. Harper doesn’t have a ‘hidden agenda’. The PM is clear about what he stands for - ‘protecting’ the nation from terrorists through incarceration without public charges or trials (anyone who doesn’t is ‘soft on terror’); tax cuts, reduced common services e.g. no national day care and a robust military. They were all in his platform and he delivered. What’s hidden?
The problem is not the transparency of the agenda. The problem is the majority of Canadians didn’t vote for it. Sixty per cent of Canadians voted for the kind of justice system that has made Canada renowned for fairness and judged to be a ‘positive’ international influence, not a negative one by our ‘tough on terror’ neighbours to the south.
The best thing that Prime Minister Harper has done for Canadian public security hasn’t been to truck brave young men to Kaladar but to admit it was a mistake to have allowed Mr. Arar to be confined in a Syrian torture chamber, offer a public apology and confer a monetary settlement on him. This sent out a clarion call to all that Canada was a nation that was honest and unafraid to declare from the highest public podium that its police forces and government were not graced with papal infallibility; that we could make a mistake and had the courage to admit it.
Curiously, Mr. Harper can’t see the connection between what happened to Mr Arar and his desire for ‘special laws’ to sequester possible terrorists without charge or public legal process. The one is a product of the other. Unfortunately, the disconnection isn’t restricted to the consequences of removing ancient, individual liberties that ‘special laws’ create for ‘special offenders’ create. The public-legal-political disconnect is rooted more generally and more profoundly in our present electoral system; which sustains governments that are based on who they exclude as much as who they include; and allows our judicial system to be manipulated for partisan political end.
Mr. Harper is easily the most adroit politician to grace the Canadian federal scene in a many a year, but Canada needs more than habile manipulators of ‘wedge politics’ and ‘the vote split’. We need a prime minister who is prepared to govern based on shared issues and true majorities which includes those who live in big cities, rural Canada and have green philosophies; but to do this we need an electoral system supple enough to respond to the complexities of the 21st century.
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